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The Fate of a Child —
A Solution for Castro to Weigh


By Jorge Luis Romeu, Hispanic Link



Los Tadeo were very well known Cuban radio comedians in the 1960s. One night they said on their show: "What is the greatest oxymoron of a dictatorship? To starve its people and then to provide funeral services free!"

That same week, Castro’s government had announced that free funeral services would be henceforth provided by the government. That was the last show the Tadeos ever performed.

Elián González’s case reminds me very much of the Tadeos. For 40 years, Castro’s government policy has been forcing thousands of Cubans to emigrate, legally and illegally, in rafts, makeshift boats and the like. As a result, many hundreds have drowned or have fed the sharks in the Florida straits. Elián’s mother happens to be one of the most recent cases.

Before I examine that reality, let me make one point clear. My position is that little Elián should be returned to Cuba, with his father and grandparents. Family always comes first. I strong believe that. And Elián’s father and grandparents, with whom he has always lived, are closer than his Miami cousins, with whom he lives now.

That said, let’s take a second look at Elián’s case, which has been so widely but only anecdotally discussed in the media. Let’s also analyze the players, with their special agendas and motivations.

First, the motives. Cárdenas, Elián’s hometown in northern Cuba, is only 10 miles away from Varadero, the famous resort beach that attracts thousands of foreign tourists. Many Cardenenses commute daily to work there in hotels and tourist attractions, quite forbidden for those who do not have foreign currency.

Such close contact with foreigners, in a country well known for its political oppression and material scarcity, may have triggered Elián’s mother to take a chance in a boat and sail to the United States in search of a better life for her family.

Elián’s parents are no different than any others. His mother, divorced, decided to leave Cuba clandestinely with her new family. Given that Cuba is a police state, she most likely took that decision on her own. If she confided it to her relatives, they will never admit it, for obvious reasons. At the point of drowning, she fastened her son to the inner tube she had placed him in, to increase his chances for survival. She was a caring mother.

The "monolithic" Cuban exile community of Miami that has been portrayed by the media in the past weeks does not exist. If we are exiled, it’s because of our pluralistic beliefs. There are 600,000 Cubans in Miami. Just a few hundred picketed or rallied in protest against returning Elián to Cuba. Most Cubans would just have Elián’s father come and freely claim his son. Cubans know well how Castro systematically uses the extended family as hostages; they fear that Elián’s father may be under government pressure.

Other Cubans see in Elián’s incredible rescue a miracle akin to that of Cuba’s Virgin of La Caridad del Cobre. She was saved by some fishermen in the middle of a sea storm — as was Elián on Thanksgiving Day. The Cuban American National Foundation, in turn, sees in Elián’s plight a chance to denounce communism and Cubans’ need to defy the seas to emigrate.

Most others I have spoken with, whether wanting Elián to stay or to return to Cuba, would like this to occur quietly and swiftly, to avoid the child further pain.

The World Council of Churches, which sponsored Elián’s grandparents’ trip to the United States, may also have an agenda. They did not raise their voice when, in the early 1960s, hundreds of university students and thousands of schoolteachers were expelled from their classrooms because of their religious beliefs. The council never contested the UMAP-forced labor camps in the late ’60s, or intervened on behalf of the thousands of Cubans sent there, many of them pastors and priests. They never lobbied to support the thousands of Cubans who, in the ’70s, were prevented from enrolling in colleges and technical schools because of their religious beliefs.

This writer, like tens of thousands of others, expelled from the University of Havana in 1965, was then sent to the UMAP labor camps for over two years and had to hide his religion to re-enroll in the university in the ’70s. On the other hand, the council is well known for its support of Castro’s government and for denouncing and breaking the embargo.

Finally, Castro himself has no shame. He should have crawled under the rug when all this started. For, if Cubans are braving the Florida straits on rafts or are defecting during trips abroad, often leaving behind their loved ones, it is mostly due to Castro’s restrictive emigration policies. Family separation, the price we all have had to pay, is the greatest of all of Castro’s sins.

This writer, for example, was not allowed to emigrate in 1979, even when having visas from the United States, Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela. I could finally leave Cuba only after my sister came for me and my family on a shrimp trawler during the Mariel boatlift. There are numerous such cases among Cuban exiles.

On the other hand, Castro was very unhappy with the Cuban exile community. He blames them for his not being able to attend the Seattle World Conference on Trade. The Pinochet arrest and extradition, in Britain, created a bad legal precedent, and Castro was afraid that he might face a similar situation if he came to the United States.

In addition, the success of the "music diplomacy" (the Buenavista Social Club group) is again bringing together Cubans on the island and abroad. This is the worst of Castro’s nightmares.

Elián’s case has provided Castro with a golden opportunity both to punish the Cuban exile community for the Seattle fiasco and to reopen old divisions among island and exiled Cubans, to split them around a nationalist ‘cause.‘

Yes, Elián should go back to his family. But Castro should reciprocate by allowing those inside Cuba who have relatives outside the country to emigrate peacefully and be reunited with theirs, too.

Selective reunification — like selective support — is both unfair and immoral.

Copyright © 2000 Hispanic Link News Service. All rights reserved.

Jorge Luis Romeu, Ph.D., is a visiting researcher at CASE Center, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y.


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